History

 Social interrelationships exist in a dynamic pattern and are continuously developing based on distinct culture, politics, traditions, customs, and beliefs. Such social connections are being classified by means of terminologies especially in the event that a person is biologically (blood) or lawfully (marriage) related with another person. Kinship then exist in a variety of classification in terms of its wide range and scope of relationship that a person or culture may accept as its own as well as the limitations that can be included or excluded inside a particular kinship classification (Barnes, 296-299).
    Kinship has long been associated in the study of anthropology as it largely discusses the principles of organizing persons and individuals putting them into social groups, specific and general roles, categories, and genealogy. Such organization is usually classified as either biologically related or relationship that existed through lawful merging or marriage. Kinship creates bonds that are then putting a specific obligation between related individuals which are then perceived to be much stronger compared to persons that are totally strangers to each other as presented by Confucius filial piety.
    Early kinship studies were done and established by Lewis Henry Morgan in his book published in 1871. Morgan asserted that even without the existence of biological relationship, one may still consider another as a kin. Focusing more on kinship terminologies, Morgan discovered that there exist a descriptive and classificatory kinship terminology. Morgan stated the difference between the two types of kinship terminologies in a way that descriptive terminologies are used for a single type of relationship such as the use of the word brother in most English societies that indicates a son of the same parent. However, that brother could be a mothers brothers son or a fathers sisters son such that the word cousin is used to classify the type of brother one is referring to.
    More developments in the study of kinship brought advancements in understanding a much wider view of how kinship works in most societies. The concept of kinship as a system brought even more ideas and principles that established major arguments in terms of identifying and classifying a kin. Patterns of kinship in most societies have been observed and that strong relationships between kinship categories are found to be related with patterns of marriage, including its forms, types and restrictions. It therefore created a much clearer perspective in viewing incest as well as other limitations as to the acceptance of a particular individual to be married to another (Read, 239-267).
    However, several inconsistencies in defining kinship categories as well as putting the proper terminology based on the existing relationship brought several conflicting theories in the study of kinship systems. Dubious inferences about kinship systems have existed upon understanding the complexity of kinship categories. George Murdock had created a method of addressing these issues by compiling data in testing a theory about universal human kinship by means of terminologies influencing behavioral patterns and other existing social differences. Murdock proceeded on the view that the psychological chronology of kinship systems are being brought by the ego and the nuclear family up to varying forms of the extended family. Levi-Strauss place a different approach in addressing such conflicts by means of looking on global patterns on kinship but focusing more on elementary forms of kinship in a way that families are connected with marriage and other modes of exchange such as symmetric and direct, generalized exchange, or reciprocal delay (White and Johansen, 14).
    Kinship terminologies has been classified into seven common types such as the Iroquis (bifurcate merging) kinship, Crow kinship (expanded bifurcate merging), Omaha kinship (modified expanded bifurcate merging), Dravidian kinship and (classificatory with modified bifurcate merging), Eskimo kinship (lineal), Hawaiian kinship (generational system), and Sudanese kinship (descriptive system).
    Kinship and its terminologies are being influenced by the type of relationship that exists whether it could be biological or of marriage descent type. Kinship identification does not necessarily mean that there exist a biological relationship between them. Biological relationships are usually considered immediate and have closer ties and bonds. It also requires proper kinship terminology as one pertaining to be superior while the other be the inferior part. The need of having a genitor (male) and genetrix (female) in conception must be established.
    Kinship established by marriage creates a wider range of relationship with each of the immediate family or clan members. A lawful merger of two individuals, marriage produces a more expanded kinship terminology based on the existing biological relationship of each group. Kinship through marriage have a vaguer definition of relatives pertaining to both sides of the families. However, with the use of descriptive terms, relatives from other parties can be identified in most cases.
    A particular kinship categories and terminologies can be acquired by a certain tribe or family and can transform into another category depending on the influence and its assertion to the tribe (Gifford, 190-194). One good example is when a clan or tribe is weak, it usually exhibits a Dakota-Iroquois type not considering the sex to which the descent is reckoned. If the clan develops and further exert and assert its influence over time, it changes into the Crow type in the matrilineal society or into the Omaha type in a partrilineal society.
    Dwight Read researched on the formal analysis of kinship terminologies and its relationship and to what it constitute to kinship. The research gave a better understanding, with the use of cultural perspectives, of who will be accepted as a relative or kin. It discussed and elaborated the inability of kinship terminologies based on social categories as well as kinship terminologies based on classification of genealogically specified relationships coming from the genitor and genetrix in formally analyzing kinship terminologies as a whole. Read reached a resolution on the issue by means of viewing kinship terminology in a perspective of a structured, symbolic system that allows both calculus symbols and rules of instantiation in giving empirical contents to those symbols (Read, 239-267). In conclusion, an individuals kin can be determined with the use of symbol structure together with its instantiation.
    Considering all the types of kinship classifications presented, it only shows that there exist a rather huge and wide relationships and interrelationships between individuals from the nuclear family and even on the extended and related families. One particular relationship can be considered different from the other even if one perceives it coming from the same origin. Kinship terminologies are rather very limited in a sense that only few established terms are being used to identify relationships that are considered by the society. In most types of kinship classification, terms being used are mostly descriptive and not fully classificatory at all. It means that most societies would rather consider all mothers son or fathers son your brother rather than defining differently depending on the type of biological or marriage relationship. Most societies tend to have limited terms to be used in kinship systems such that they are sometimes avoiding complexity and having a hard time calling each of the different relative or family member with a different term. Moreover, most societies tend to establish themselves starting from the nuclear family or to wider denomination based on extended or families from marriage descent thus, incorporating limited identification system for each member of the clan or family.
    Another reason as to why there are different conceivable genealogical relationships considering the egos and its alters with a limited number of terminologies that can be used is the limitations presented by the overall structural aspect of a tribe or a particular clan. This principle generally incorporates the idea of diminishing kinship as generations passes by. For example, the mother of your mother would just simply be referred as your grandmother and that your grandmothers mother would be your great grandmother. However, your great grandmothers mother as well as her mother would only be referred by adding great before the word great. The same thing goes with appendicular family line like your uncle and aunt. If they are of marriage descent, you just identify their family members just as the same yours like for example, your fathers brother is considered your uncle and their male cousins would also be considered as your uncle in some societies their fathers will also be considered as your grandfather even if it is just the brother of your grandfather. This creates inconsistencies with the terminologies as their fathers are not your grandfather anymore.
    Kinship terminologies are usually created by traditions and is adopted by succeeding generations. Inserting and asserting new kinship terminologies would rather be an experimental approach without any assurance that the alteration of the social kinship terminologies will be accepted and adopted by the society you wished to modify.